The former US VP Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most influential holders of that position in American history. Although many VPs had to settle for minor or ceremonial roles, Cheney held huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly called as the "real president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and claimed the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was courteous, consistently referring to him in official appearances as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. Despite these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating planes nearing the government building.
Cheney claimed the strikes changed him, making him become intent on retaliation. Together with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Controversial Actions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the enhanced interrogation of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on faulty information repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the correct action to do back then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet even then, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he later wrote "clear negligence, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, falsehoods, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had drafted a memo outlining situations in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "availability of crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be prepared to operate alone when cooperative measures prove impossible," specifically referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his parent's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were both insubstantial or completely misleading. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the employment of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the report as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish programmes to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in labels given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the background that operates invisibly leave his domain? That is a effective way to work, actually."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his commercial relationships accompanied him throughout his time as vice-president. Although he had minimal expertise in business but good contacts in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum companies, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US deals totaling multiple billions.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his time at the firm increased from his $258,394 during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
